Navigating the Turbulent Waters of Malaysian Politics Post-GE15
Anwar Ibrahim was named the 10th Prime Minister of Malaysia on November 24, following a dramatic lead-up to GE15. The political atmosphere was tense, with Barisan Nasional caught in a dilemma between Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan and Muhyiddin Yassin’s Perikatan Nasional.
For those unfamiliar with Malaysian politics, a brief overview of the main political parties is necessary. Pakatan Harapan (PH) is generally perceived as a moderate party, while Perikatan Nasional (PN) includes the Malaysian Islamic party, PAS, which has been accused of harboring extremist elements and forms the largest block within PN. Other parties in the PN coalition include the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (BERSATU), the Homeland Solidarity Party (STAR), the Sabah Progressive Party (SAPP), and Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (GERAKAN).
Barisan Nasional (BN), the party that ruled Malaysia until GE14 in 2018, lost power when PH, led by Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, formed a coalition that ousted BN. This shift led to the infamous arrest and trials of former Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Najib Razak, linked to the 1MDB scandal.
In February 2020, prior to the pandemic, the Sheraton Move occurred when defecting politicians from Anwar’s Parti Keadilan Rakyat (The People’s Justice Party) met at the Sheraton Hotel to ally with parties forming PN, effectively ending PH’s rule. Muhyiddin emerged as the new president of BERSATU and became Malaysia’s first PM during the pandemic, taking over from Dr. Mahathir.
Who Has the Numbers?
In politics, winning elections is largely about achieving the majority. Anwar Ibrahim understands this well, having previously prematurely declared victory in elections. On the night of November 19, as results were being announced, Muhyiddin quickly organized a press conference to claim that PN would form a coalition with other parties that secured fewer seats, explicitly excluding PH.
Muhyiddin asserted, “I have the numbers,” referencing Statutory Declarations (SD) signed by MPs from those parties. A day later, Anwar, looking fatigued, held his own press conference, stating that based on the majority seats PH had won (82 of 220), they should be in a position to form the next government.
Some interpreted Anwar’s comments as a lack of confidence in BN cooperating with PH, especially in light of Muhyiddin’s earlier declarations. Amidst these political maneuvers, Anwar advised Malaysians to stay calm and allow the democratic process to unfold.
Say No To Frogs
The weekend of November 19 saw leaders from various winning parties reportedly meeting in hotels to negotiate coalition details. Coalitions are crucial in Malaysian politics, especially following the anti-party hopping law enacted just days before Parliament was dissolved, prohibiting politicians from switching parties after elections.
The new legislation aims to prevent the rampant party-hopping that plagued Malaysian politics, where politicians would often jump to winning parties post-election. This practice, referred to as “katak” (Malay for frogs), led to the downfall of PH after the last elections.
The onus was on BN chairman Ahmad Zahid Hamidi to decide which larger party to support. For many, aligning with a reformed BN in a PH-led government seemed preferable to joining the minority Malay party in the right-wing PN coalition. The sight of PH and BN members convening at a hotel on November 21 surprised many Malaysians, including members of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), who publicly denied discussions with PH despite clear evidence to the contrary.
As negotiations continued, dissent grew within UMNO (United Malays National Organisation), as calls for Zahid’s resignation emerged from factions within the party. With a by-election looming if UMNO fractured, the stakes were high for all parties involved.
Like Watching a Movie
By November 22, following an audience with the King, Anwar and Muhyiddin emerged from their respective press conferences with shifted power dynamics. Anwar, now in a more favorable position, emphasized stability while recalling the events of the past week.
Muhyiddin, in contrast, appeared frustrated, waving around Signed Declarations from several MPs backing him and PN, but his grim-faced supporters reflected the stakes involved.
Netizens noted that Muhyiddin’s tone was increasingly disrespectful toward the King, stating that the King had offered PN the chance to form a unity government, which they declined due to their clause of “No Anwar, No PH.”
By November 24, PN announced they would comply with the King’s wishes to form a unity government, hinting at an alliance with PH. The lack of direct communication from Muhyiddin regarding this shift raised questions about the future of PN.
Malaysians watched as tensions escalated, with many recalling the inflammatory rhetoric and misinformation spread by PN leading up to the elections.
Ultimately, on November 24 at 1:45 PM, Anwar was declared Prime Minister following a meeting with the Royal Council of Malay Rulers. The palace’s statement emphasized unity among parties for the country’s future.
As the political landscape in Malaysia continues to evolve, the events surrounding GE15 have set the stage for a new chapter in Malaysian governance, one that highlights the complexities of coalition politics in a nation marked by diverse interests.
